33 Keys to Decoding the Korean Wave, Hallyu 

#4 People of Resistance

From the March 1st Movement to the Candlelight Revolution

 

*한류를 이해하는 33가지 코드 #4 저항의 문화 <한국어 버전, Korean version>

https://www.nyculturebeat.com/index.php?mid=TopStory2&document_srl=4137185

 

2017. 3. 11. 20th candlelight vigil “Darkness cannot overcome light. Lies cannot overcome truth. The truth does not sink. We do not give up.”

*1st anniversary of candlelight: 3-minute video of Park Geun-hye’s fall, OhmyTV <YouTube> 

 

 

Koreans are a “resistance nation.” Historically, we have learned to survive, as we have been constantly invaded by neighboring powers. Our people have resisted injustice through independence movements against foreign powers to democratization movements against dictatorship and corruption. The spirit of resistance is in our DNA. It is even said that Koreans’ forte, pièce de résistance (main dish) is overcoming national crisis. The spirit of resistance originated from a consciousness of criticism.

 

 

2016-17 Candlelight Revolution 

 

The Washington Post (from left), The New York Times, CNN on the 2017 candlelight protests in Korea.

 

#Washington Post: I’ll Teach You How to Impeach the President

 

The Washington Post published on May 19, 2017, two months after the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye (March 10, 2017): “South Koreans to Americans: We’ll teach you how to impeach a president.”

 

The newspaper reported, “South Koreans know how to impeach a president. Seventeen weeks of peaceful protest, combined with a parliamentary vote and a landmark court decision, led to the dismissal of Park Geun-hye in March amid a massive corruption scandal. Park is now behind bars and being tried on 18 charges, including bribery and extortion.” The paper continued: “Blogs are full of commentary on the similarities between Park and Trump — both took up the mantles of their fathers, both have ‘communication difficulties’ — and the differences in the two countries’ political systems.”

 

Along with this, the Washington Post emphasized: “This is quite a remarkable development since it was only 30 years ago that South Korea became a democracy while the United States has long considered itself an exemplar of democracy.” In addition, the Korean online community discussed the possibility of exporting their know-how about impeachment to the United States, and cited Kang Shin-ae's comment that “We need to export South Korean knowledge about impeaching a president and how to remove the president peacefully without shedding single drop of blood.”

 

*South Koreans to Americans: We’ll teach you how to impeach a president <The Washington Post>

 

 

#New York Times: Protests are peaceful, festive 

 

On November 26, 2016, four months before President Park's impeachment, The New York Times reported on the massive protests, describing them as peaceful and almost festive. Journalist Choe Sang-Hun wrote, “Despite cold weather and the first snow of the season, a crowd that organizers estimated at 1.5 million gathered to denounce Ms. Park.” The article painted a vivid picture of the demonstrations: “Street vendors sold candles, mattresses, and hot snacks on Saturday, and a few roadside shops gave protesters free coffee. Buddhist monks beat wooden gongs as they marched. Mothers showed up with children, or with pet dogs wrapped in padded vests, and young couples bundled in winter coats sang along as loudspeakers blared catchy tunes calling for Ms. Park’s ouster.”

 

*Protest Against South Korean President Estimated to Be Largest Yet <The New York Times>

 

 

#Korean People - 2017 German Human Rights Award

 

‎The poster of the candlelight vigil for the President Park Geun-hye Resignation Movement held 23 times from October 26, 2016 to April 29, 2017.

 

In December 2017, a German political foundation, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), presented its Human Rights Award to the 17 million South Koreans who took part in candlelight rallies to call for then-President Park Geun-hye’s resignation over an influence-peddling scandal.

The organization’s representative in Korea, Sven Schwersensky, said: “The peaceful exercise of democratic participation and in particular the civic right of peaceful assembly are the essential components of democracy... In our view, the people’s candlelight demonstrations have given the whole world evidence of this important fact… At the time, authoritarianism was on the rise everywhere in the world, even in the western world.”

http://www.fes-korea.org

 

 

History of Resistance 

 

March 1st Movement, University of Southern California University Libraries

 

Due to its fate as a peninsular country, Korea has become a prey for neighboring powers throughout its long history.  The Tang, Sui, Yan, Wei, and Han dynasties attacked Korea during the Goguryeo period in succession, and Unified Silla (668-935 AD) was attacked by the Tang dynasty. During the Goryeo period (918–1392), Khitan, Mongolia, and Honggeonjeok invaded the country. And during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1897), Koreans suffered large-scale wars and chaos, including the Imjin War (1592-1598), the Jeongyujaeran (1597-1598), and the Byeongjahoran (1636-1637). Meanwhile, the Korean people have learned how to survive.

 

Koreans are a “resistance nation” that have resisted injustice, including the national liberation movement against foreign powers and for restoring sovereignty, and the democratization movement against dictatorship and corruption. During the Japanese colonial period, not only in Korea and Japan, but also in Manchuria, China, and Russia in the Far East, from the Shanghai Provisional Government and secret societies, to student movements, armed struggles, and cultural movements, non-violent and armed forces (medical soldiers, independent soldiers) resisted in all kinds of ways. The 3.1 Movement (“Sam-il” or March 1, 1919 movement) was a resistance movement in which the fighting spirit was gathered.

 

In modern times, Koreans have taken to the streets to demand the overthrow of dictatorships and the eradication of corruption. The April 19 Revolution of 1960, the May 18th Gwangju Uprising of 1980, the June Uprising of 1987, and the Candlelight Revolution of 2016 are all testaments to the Korean people's desire for democracy and their enduring spirit of resistance. The determination and resilience that have sent corrupt and incompetent leaders to prison are deeply ingrained in Korean DNA. It is even said that Koreans' greatest strength, their pièce de résistance, is their ability to overcome national crises.

 

 

#3.1 Independence Movement - March 1st Movement

 

March 1st Movement, University of Southern California University Libraries 

 

On March 17, 1919, the New York Times reported on the March 1st Movement in an article from Beijing.

 

“Tell of Japanese Cruelty to Koreans

American Missionaries Say There Is a Reign of Terror Throughout the Country.

Peking, March 17 - American missionaries report barbarous cruelties inflicted on the Koreans, of which they were witnesses. One observer declares that during the last ten days he has seen acts which seem like stories of the Germans in Belgium. Helpless women and children have been beaten, kicked, and stabbed, they say, as well as shot down by soldiers for no other crime than shouting ‘Hurrah for Korea!’”

 

*Tell of Japanese Cruelty to Koreans, Special to The New York Times

 

 

Independent Newspaper (left), the first private newspaper in Korea, launched on April 7, 1896. Independent Newspaper was founded in Shanghai on August 21, 1919 to inspire national ideology and unify the public mind.

 

“We declare that Joseon is an independent country, and that the Koreans are the masters of this country.”

 

On March 1, 1919, after 33 people read the Declaration of Independence at Taehwagwan in Seoul at 2 pm, hundreds of thousands of people shouted “Long live Korea” and the March 1st Movement began. Despite the oppression of Japanese imperialism, the nonviolent movement for national independence spread to all over the country, Gando, Siberia, Primorsky Krai (maritime territory), and the Americas. Over 2 million people participated in 1,491 protests in two months. At that time, the population was about 20 million. From the March 1st Movement to the end of December of that year, the total number of protests reached 3,200. The death toll was 7,907 (the actual number of deaths is estimated at 100,000), 15,850 were injured, 46,000 were arrested, and more than 10,000 were convicted. In addition, 715 houses, 47 church buildings and two schools were burned or destroyed.

 

The anti-Japanese struggle for the independence of the Korean people continued even after the March 1st Movement. In Korea, the peasant movement, the labor movement, and the student movement took root underground, and the armed struggle of the independence army continued in Manchuria and mainland China. Nonviolent and cultural anti-Japanese movements were also held, such as the Dong-A Ilbo’s “Japanese Flag Annihilation Incident” (1936), the Korean Language Society Incident (1942), and the Anti-Shinto Shrine Worship Movement.

 

The March 1st Movement did not immediately lead to independence. However, it has great significance in that it awakened the spirit of independence in Korean people and established the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai, which became the cornerstone of the construction of an independent country. The Japanese Government-General of Korea served as an opportunity to shift from trespassing to a crafty cultural rule.

 

According to the National Archives of Korea, the March 1st Movement imprinted on the international community the aspiration and will of Koreans for freedom and independence. In addition to the May 4 Movement in China, it also influenced the independence movements of India, Egypt, Indochina, and the Philippines.

 

 

#Gandhi, Nehru, Joo Eun-rae and the 3.1 Movement

 

Educational thinkers of resistance and enlightenment during the Japanese colonial period (Go Won-seok et al., 2020)/ Forgotten heroes, independence activists (Jang Sang-gyu, 2017)/ Dictionary of 300 women independence activists (Lee Yun-ok, 2018)/ Daughter of Joseon, with a gun (Unhyeon Jung, 2016)

 

After the March 1st Movement, Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948), the leader of the Indian independence movement of non-resistance and non-violence, started the British resistance movement in earnest. On March 21, 1919, the British enacted the infamous Rowlatt Act, which gave the Indian colonial government the power to unconditionally arrest and detain the anti-British activists by the police. Gandhi urged the Indians to engage in the Satyagraha struggle (non-violent resistance movement) against the repressive Rowlatt Act. On 30 March, British police opened fire on unarmed protesters in Delhi, which enraged Indians, who rioted.

 

At a Hindu festival on April 6, Gandhi emphasized mutual nonviolence by encouraging crowds to peacefully boycott British goods and burn British clothing instead of injuring or killing British people. He announced that he would take part in protests across India. The colonial government banned Gandhi from entering Delhi, but Gandhi refused to do so, leading to his arrest on 9 April. On April 13, British troops fired at Jallianwala Bagh, killing about 400 unarmed civilians and injuring more than 1,000.

 

Jawaharlal Nehru (1889-1964), the first Prime Minister of India, also paid attention to the March 1st Movement. From 1930 to 33, Nehru sent a total of 196 letters of world history to his only daughter, Indira Gandhi, from his prison cell. In his letter of December 30, 1932, he referred to the 3-1 movement. After introducing, “Joseon-this country came to be called by its old name. It means refreshing morning,” he wrote: “the struggle for independence continued for a long time and exploded several times. The most important of these was the uprising in 1919. The Korean people - especially young men and women - valiantly fought against the superior enemy. When the Korean national organization fighting to regain freedom formally declared independence and rebelled against the Japanese, they died countless times, and were imprisoned by the Japanese police numerous times and subjected to harsh torture. They sacrificed their lives for the sake of their ideals. The oppression of the Korean people by Japan was a bitter dark chapter in history. In Joseon, young women and girls, often as students or fresh out of college, played an important role in the struggle. If you listen to what you are doing, you will surely be moved.” Nehru’s prison letters were published as “Glimpses of World History” in 1934.

 

Zhou Enlai (1898-1976), the first Prime Minister of the People’s Republic of China, gave up studying at Meiji University in Japan and stopped by Joseon on his way home. Departing Shimonoseki in July 1919, passing through Busan and visiting Gyeongseong (Seoul), he wrote in his diary, “How did Joseon, 10 years after being occupied by Japanese colonial rule, carry out such an anti-Japanese independence movement?”

 

 

#May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement

 

Protesters march in vehicles looted from the military in Gwangju, 165 miles south of Seoul. 

 

The New York Times reported on the front page of the Gwangju incident with a photo on May 22, 1980, under the title “Protesters Control South Korean City; At Least 32 Killed; New Cabinet Named in Seoul.”

The newspaper reported, “Tens of thousands of demonstrators, many waving seized rifles, iron bars, axes, pitchforks and even light machine guns, took control of this southwestern city today, the fourth day of anti-Government rioting that has cost the lives of at least 32 people.”

 

The era of Park Chung-hee, who came to power in a coup on May 16, 1961, ended with an assassination on October 26, 1979. The newly inaugurated President Choi Kyu-hah heralded the “Seoul Spring” by announcing that he would accept the people’s demands for democratization. However, within two months, Chun Doo-hwan’s new military force seized power again through a coup d’etat (the 12-12 military revolt).

 

The May 18th Gwangju Uprising in the spring of the following year was a social movement in which the awakened people resisted on a large scale. The Gwangju Uprising was reported as a “riot” by the new military and government media, but was formally defined as the “Gwangju Democratization Movement” after the inauguration of the 6th Republic.

 

 

May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement, UNESCO 

 

From May 13, 1980, protests took place at 37 universities, including Seoul, Busan, Daegu, and Gwangju for two days, demanding the abolition of martial law. On the 15th, a student protest at Seoul Station paralyzed the city of Seoul. As of 24:00 on May 17th, after the new military government expanded martial law to the whole country, they imprisoned thousands of politicians and prominent figures such as Kim Dae-jung, Kim Young-sam, and Kim Jong-pil, and blocked the National Assembly with military forces.

 

On May 18, airborne forces were sent to Gwangju, and martial law forces occupied each university. When the paratroopers stopped the demonstration in front of Chonnam University, protestors regrouped at Gwangju Station, chanting “Release Kim Dae-jung,” “Remove the Remnants of the Yushin Party including Chun Doo-hwan and Shin Hyeon-hwak,” and “Abolish emergency martial law.” Students, middle-aged, and teenagers took part in the protests from 1 pm on the same day in the city center, including Geumnam-ro, due to the indiscriminate suppression of martial law forces. At around 4:50 pm, armored vehicles of the martial law force were surrounded by citizens, and taxi and bus drivers, urban poor, workers and farmers also joined the protest.

 

From May 20th, citizens seized weapons and the civil uprising turned into an armed struggle. A number of deaths occurred in gunfights between the civilian and martial law forces. On the 21st, the martial law forces withdrew from the Jeonnam Provincial Office after mass shooting at citizens in front of Chonnam National University and the Jeollanam-do Provincial Office.

 

The Citizens’ Army implemented a civil self-government system for a week from May 21st to 26th. The new military department announced that Gwangju was “absence of security,” and on the 27th, about 25,000 armed martial law forces mobilized tanks and helicopters to suppress it. At that time, it was reported that the new military department closely coordinated the suppression of the civil self-government by mobilizing airborne special forces with the United States.

 

The Gwangju Democratic Uprising came to an end in 10 days, and in August of that year, Chun Doo-hwan was inaugurated as the 11th President. According to the announcement on July 18, 1995 by the Seoul District Prosecutor’s Office and the Prosecutor’s Office of the Ministry of National Defense, there were 193 confirmed deaths (23 soldiers, 4 police, 166 civilians) and 852 wounded. According to UNESCO Human Rights Register data, 165 civilians were killed, 76 were missing, 3,383 were injured, and 1,476 were arrested, with a total of 5,100 people implicated.

 

 

Dong-A Ilbo, August 27, 1996

 

In 1995, on the 50th anniversary of liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the Special Act on Punishment of Perpetrators (no. 5029) was enacted, and former presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were tried as the main culprits of the 12-12 military uprising and the bloody suppression of the 5-18 Gwangju Democratization Movement.

 

Chun Doo-hwan was sentenced to death at the first trial for leading an insurrection, conspiracy to commit insurrection, taking part in an insurrection, illegal troop movement orders, dereliction of duty during martial law, murder of superior officers, attempted murder of superior officers, murder of subordinate troops, leading a rebellion, conspiracy to commit rebellion, taking part in a rebellion, and murder for the purpose of rebellion, as well as assorted crimes relating to bribery. And the Supreme Court reduced his sentence to life imprisonment in the second instance. Roh Tae-woo’s imprisonment was reduced from 22 years and 6 months to 12 years.

 

However, in December 1997, in the midst of the Asian financial crisis (IMF), President Kim Young-sam reached an agreement with President-elect Kim Dae-jung and released a special amnesty under the pretext of national dialogue. Their imprisonment was only eight months. In 1997, May 18 was designated as an official memorial day. In 2002, the Mangwol-dong Cemetery, where victims who participated in the Gwangju Uprising were buried, was elevated to a national cemetery with the enforcement of the Law on Special Cases for Bereaved Family Members.

 

In 2011, UNESCO registered materials related to the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement as a Human Rights Documentary Heritage (*1980 Archives for the May 18th Democratic Uprising against Military Regime, in Gwangju).

 

The May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement left an indelible mark on South Korea’s history. In 1997, May 18 was designated as an official memorial day, and in 2002, Mangwol-dong Cemetery, where victims were buried, was elevated to a national cemetery. In 2011, UNESCO recognized the movement’s archives as a Human Rights Documentary Heritage (1980 Archives for the May 18th Democratic Uprising against Military Regime in Gwangju).

 

The movement also inspired democratization efforts throughout Asia. UNESCO noted its influence on the Philippines’ People Power Revolution, Thailand’s Black May protests, and movements in China and Vietnam. It served as a catalyst for South Korea’s June Democratic Uprising of 1987, which ultimately led to the end of military rule.

 

 

May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement, UNESCO

 

"The Gwangju Uprising was South Korea's Tiananmen crisis, profoundly shaping the resistance to dictatorship in the 1980s, paving the way for democratization in the 1990s, and leading to the conviction of those responsible for the massacre of innocent citizens in Gwangju."

 

Professor Bruce Cumings of the University of Chicago delivered a presentation titled "The Gwangju Uprising and U.S.-Korea Relations" at the 27th Anniversary International Academic Conference on the May 18 Democratization Movement, held at Chonnam National University on May 18, 2007. In his speech, Professor Cumings examined the U.S. government's complicity in the violent suppression of the May 18 Democratization Movement, holding it accountable for its failure to prevent the tragedy.

 

Pope John Paul II visited Gwangju in May 1984 during his Apostolic Journey to Korea. At a Mass held at Mudung Municipal Stadium, he acknowledged the profound wounds left by the tragedy and emphasized the need for reconciliation:

 

"I am keenly aware of the deep wounds that pain your hearts and souls from personal experiences and from recent tragedies, which are difficult to overcome from a merely human point of view, especially for those of you from Kwangju. For this reason, I hope you will be blessed by the grace of reconciliation."

 

Since 2000, the May 18 Memorial Foundation has annually presented the Gwangju Human Rights Award to individuals who have made significant contributions to human rights globally, ensuring that the spirit of the Gwangju Democratization Movement continues to inspire future generations.

 

 

#June 1987 Democratic Struggle

 

VIOLENT PROTESTS ROCK SOUTH KOREA, The New York Times (1987. 6. 11)

 

“Thousands of well-organized protesters, using bold hit-and-run tactics, fought with riot policemen in street battles that lasted through the night and into today. It was the worst street violence Seoul has seen in years. For brief periods Wednesday night the demonstrators were in control of some downtown streets, forcing police officers to retreat into buses before reinforcements arrived. Skirmishes continued into this afternoon between helmeted police officers firing tear-gas canisters and hundreds of rock-hurling students who refused to budge from the plaza outside Seoul’s Myongdong Roman Catholic Cathedral. The protesters blocked off streets around the Cathedral with metal and wooden barricades. Several protesters were reported to have been injured in clashes with policemen in the plaza.” -The New York Times-

 

 

“1987: When the Day Comes” (2017), directed by Jang Jun-hwan 

 

The June 1987 Democratic Struggle, which inherited the spirit of the May 18 Democratization Movement, was sparked by the media trying to find out the truth about the death of two young men (Park Jong-cheol and Lee Han-yeol). And the uprising ultimately bore the fruit of democratization.

 

At midnight on January 13, 1987, at a boarding house, Park Jong-cheol (1964-1987), a third-year student at Seoul National University, was arrested by six investigators. He was asked about the whereabouts of Park Jong-woon, senior of the University culture research group, in the investigation room of the National Police Agency in Namyeong-dong, Seoul, but did not answer. Investigators used assault, electric torture, and water torture (waterboarding), and on January 14th, Park died.

 

“Park Jong-cheol (21, Seoul National University Department of Linguistics, Junior), a suspect in a public security case who was arrested on the 14th and was being investigated by the security headquarters, died during the afternoon police investigation that day. The police reported to the prosecution that Park’s cause of death was shock. However, the prosecution is an investigative testament to the possibility that Park died as a result of the harsh actions of the investigative agency.”

-<The JoongAng Ilbo, Reporter Shin Sung-ho> University student “Shock Death” being investigated by the police-

 

 

Dong-A Ilbo, January 19, 1987 <Reporter Yoon Sang-sam> 

 

On January 16th, the Dong-A Ilbo published a special headline “A College Student who Died while being Investigated by the Police” (Reporter Hwang Yeol-heon). The report was based on the testimony of Park Jong-cheol’s uncle Park Wol-gil (“Jong-cheol was beaten in dozens of places and had blood bruises”) and his sister Eun-sook (“Chul-i was beaten to death by the police”).

 

Since February 1987, the Park Jong-cheol’s Pan-National Memorial and city protests have been held. President Chun Doo-hwan, who reached the end of his seven-year term in April, announced a “4-13 Defense of the Constitution” speech to suspend discussions on a Constitutional amendment and to transfer power according to the existing Constitution. On April 14, figures from all walks of life, including Catholic Cardinal Kim Sou-hwan, issued a statement criticizing the first Constitutional measure. At the Mass for the 7th anniversary of the Gwangju Uprising held at Myeongdong Cathedral on May 18, Father Kim Seung-hoon of the Catholic Priests Association for Justice (CPAJ), revealed the cover-up of the police’s torture and death of Park Jong-cheol. After that, protests calling for democratization began.

 

 

JoongAng Ilbo, June 11, 1987

 

On June 9, Lee Han-yeol (1966-1987), a sophomore from Yonsei University’s business department, shouted “Abolition of Defense of the Constitution” and “Overthrow the dictatorship!” Reuters photojournalist Jeong Tae-won caught a student (Lee Jong-chang) supporting him. This single photo was published on the front page of the JoongAng Ilbo and became a catalyst for the June uprising.

 

On June 10, Roh Tae-woo was elected as the 13th presidential candidate of the Democratic Party of Korea. Meanwhile, large-scale protests took place across the country hosted by the National Movement for the Achievement of the Democratic Constitution. On June 19, Chun Doo-hwan issued an order to prepare for military service, but it was postponed due to the opposition of the United States. On June 26, a number of simultaneous demonstrations were held in 37 cities across the country. Not only workers and students, but also the poor, peasants, and office workers took part, and it changed from a student protest to a civil protest.

 

On June 29, presidential candidate Roh Tae-woo announced a plan to rectify the situation (June 29 Declaration - Special Declaration for Grand National Harmony and Progress Towards a Great Nation), which largely accommodated the demands for democratization, including direct election of the president by Constitutional amendment, amnesty for Kim Dae-jung, and restoring the freedom of the press. In October of that year, the Constitutional amendment for direct presidential election was passed through a referendum, but Kim Dae-jung, an advisor to the Unification Democratic Party, and Kim Young-sam, president of the Unification Democratic Party, caused divisions over the candidacy, which resulted in the election of Roh Tae-woo. As soon as his tenure ended, former President Chun Doo-hwan went to Baekdamsa Temple in Seoraksan Mountain in Gangwon-do to live.

 

 

Chosun Ilbo, July 10, 1987 

 

On July 9, 1987, Lee Han-yeol’s funeral was held as a “Democratic People’s Funeral.” At that time, it is known that a total of 1.6 million people, including 1 million in Seoul and 500,000 in Gwangju, paid their respects.

 

The June Uprising of 1987 was a democratization movement that ended the military dictatorship by the power of the citizens and reformed the Constitution to provide for direct presidential election. It became a watershed moment in modern Korean history, leading to the establishment of a democratic republic where the government is elected by popular vote. Starting with the June Democratic Struggle, Korean social movements have diversified into environmental, consumer, women’s, and human rights movements.

 

 

#2008 US Beef Protest / Mad Cow Disease / Candlelight Protest

 

June 10, 2008 Mad Cow Disease Candlelight Demonstrations

 

While the June 1987 uprising was sparked when an article about the death of Park Jong-cheol and water torture by Lee Han-yeol and a photo of Lee Han-yeol being shot with a tear gas grenade were reported, a special coverage of MBC-TV’s PD Note,  “Is American Beef Really Safe from Mad Cow Disease?” was the catalyst of the April 2008 Mad Cow Disease Candlelight Protest.

 

President Lee Myung-bak and President George W. Bush signed a US-Korea Free Trade Agreement on April 19, 2008, allowing for the importing into Korea of US beef containing certain dangerous substances from cows over 30 months of age. On April 27, MBC-TV’s PD Note reported on the risk of mad cow disease in US beef, raising public opinion against imports of US beef. A rally was held at the National Movement Headquarters for the impeachment of Lee Myung-bak on May 2nd, and a demonstration under the title of “Candlelight Cultural Festival,” which invited celebrities such as singers Kim Jang-hoon and Yoon Do-hyun to participate in family units, started and continued until August of that year.

 

It reached its climax during the demonstration on June 10 (the same day as Korea’s June 10, 1926 National Independence Movement). Then, on June 18, President Lee Myung-bak issued a statement of apology to the public. The Mad Cow Disease National Countermeasures Conference, in which 1,500 civic groups participated, ended the “American Beef Candlelight Vigil” on August 15th in Daehak-ro, attended by 5,500 people. A teenage schoolgirl, Han Chae-min, holding a lit candle became the symbol of the anti-US beef protests.

 

From May 2 of that year, for 106 days, a total of 2,398 candlelight demonstrations were held, with a total of 932,000 participants. Of these, 1,476 demonstrators were charged and 1,258 were prosecuted. Ultimately, the Lee Myung-bak government renegotiated the beef agreement but removed the problematic age limit, allowing the import of beef over 30 months old and parts considered sensitive to mad cow disease.

 

 

Culture of Resistance

 

#Era of forbidden songs, culture of resistance in the 1970s

 

Kim Min-ki, Yang Hee-eun, Song Chang-sik, Kim Chu-ja, Lee Jang-hee... The songs of representative singers in the 1970s were banned by the Yushin (The Revitalizing Reform) regime. 

 

Banned songs in Korea began with the history of popular music. During the Japanese colonial period, the Japanese Government-General of Korea banned “Arirang”, “Bongseonhwa,” and “Tearful Tumangang” on the grounds that the songs inspired nationalistic sentiment. After liberation, songs by North Korean writers were banned. In 1967, when the Act on Records was enacted, pre-censorship began.

 

A youth culture that rejects the consciousness of the older generation is a culture of resistance. In the United States, the “Beat Generation” who wandered after World War II, and the “Hippies” during the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s, led the culture. In the 1970s, when Korea suffered due to the restoration of the military dictatorship, a counterculture led by young people prevailed.

 

The romantic youth culture of the 1970s, which was represented by long hair, blue jeans and mini-skirts, acoustic guitar, draft beer and music cafes, was swept away by the banned songs and cannabis wave due to the crackdown and censorship of the military regime. As Emergency Acts No. 9 in 1975, 223 popular songs such as “Morning Dew,” “Whale Hunt,” “Give me some water,” “Why call me?”, “That’s you,” “Beautiful Woman,” “It's a lie,” and “To the Land of Happiness” were banned as harmful to public morals. Folk and rock pioneers such as Kim Min-ki, Han Dae-su, Lee Jang-hee, Yang Hee-eun, Song Chang-sik, and Shin Joong-hyun lost their song. As artists’ creative freedom was castrated, popular culture entered a dark age.

 

The Yushin regime censored popular songs under the pretext of “establishing a sound national life and social ethos”. In 1975, the Korean Arts and Culture Ethics Committee selected the banned songs as #Things that could adversely affect national security and general harmony  #Indiscriminate introduction and imitation of foreign trends #Defeat, self-harm, lament #Sensual, decadent, and suppressed creative freedom.

 

After the night's long vigil, on every blade of grass,

Morning dew clings, finer than the finest pearls.

When sorrow gathers like clouds in my heart,

I climb the hill at dawn and find a small smile.

The sun rises, burning over the silent graves,

And the midday heat becomes my trial to bear.

Now, I journey into the wilderness,

Casting off all sorrow, leaving it behind.

-Morning Dew, Kim Min-ki (1971)-

 

Immediately after the June 29 Declaration in 1987, 185 songs, including “Morning Dew” and “Camellia Lady” were released according to the “Guidelines for the Release of Songs Banned from Broadcasting” by the Ministry of Culture and Public Information.

 

 

#Gwangju Democratization Movement and Minjung Art

 

Hong Seong-dam, May Torch Parade, woodcut 25.3 x 43 cm 1983. Seoul Museum of Art Collection

 

"The pen is mightier than the sword." Yet, an image can be even more powerful than words.

The great painters in art history did not escape from reality and did not turn away from the ongoing tragedy. Francisco Goya's painting “The Massacre of 3 May 1808 (El tres de mayo de 1808),” (1814), is a dramatic depiction of the French occupation of Spain and the massacre of civilians in Madrid in retaliation after the rebels rose up against the French. Pablo Picasso’s “Guernica” (1937) tells the story of a series of bombings of the town of Guernica in the Basque region of Spain by Nazi German forces supporting General Franco during the Spanish Civil War in April 1937, killing about 1,600 people, one-third of the population.

 

After the Gwangju Democratization Movement in 1980, Korean progressive artists began to participate in art movements and the Minjung Art was born. It focuses on historical events such as the Donghak Peasant Revolution, the Korean War, the April 19 Revolution, and the May 18 Gwangju Uprising, as well as the issue of unification, the conflicts of capitalist society, the labor issues, peasants and women’s human rights.  

 

However, Minjung Art was suppressed under Chun Doo-hwan’s dictatorship. In July 1985, 36 art works at the exhibition “1985, the Power of 20 Korean Art” held at the Arab Cultural Center were forcibly confiscated by the police, 19 people were forcibly taken into custody, and 5 people were arrested.

 

In 1994, “15 Years of Minjung Art” was held on a large scale at the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art in Seoul without any political interruptions. On the website of the Tate Modern in London, “Minjung Art” is explained:

 

“Minjung art was a South Korean socio-political art movement that emerged in 1980 after the Gwangju Massacre, in which some 200 peaceful demonstrators were killed by government troops”

https://www.tate.org.uk/art/art-terms/m/minjung-art  

 

 

#New York Times reported the obituary of Yu Gwan-sun in March 2018

 

Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule, NYT

 

The New York Times published an obituary (“Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule”) on March 28, 2018, on the hero of the March 1st Movement, Yu Gwan-sun (1902-1920).

 

Since its founding in 1851, the New York Times has been dominated by white men in its obituaries. In celebration of International Women’s Day on March 8, 2018, “Overlooked No More” added historically notable obituaries of women, blacks, and other minorities. And on March 28, 2018, the life of martyr Yu Gwan-sun was reported. This is the obituary of Yu Gwan-sun reported in 1920, which is known to the West for the first time in nearly 100 years.

 

The obituary began, “When a call for peaceful protests in support of Korean independence came in spring 1919, a 16-year-old girl named Yu Gwan-sun became the face of a nation’s collective yearning for freedom. Yu was a student at Ewha Hakdang in Seoul, which was established by American missionaries as the first modern educational institution for women in Korea. On March 1, 1919, Yu and four classmates joined others taking to the streets with cries of ‘Mansei!’ (‘Long live Korean independence!’) in one of the earliest protests against Japanese colonial rule. Amid the demonstration, the Declaration of Independence — written by the publisher Choe Nam-seon  and signed by 33 Korean cultural and religious leaders — was recited at Seoul’s Pagoda Park.”

 

The Times cited her diary in prison “Even if my fingernails are torn out, my nose and ears are ripped apart, and my legs and arms are crushed, this physical pain does not compare to the pain of losing my nation. ... My only remorse is not being able to do more than dedicating my life to my country.”

 

In August 2015, Yukio Hatoyama, a onetime leader of Japan, visited Seodaemun, where Yu was tortured and killed by the Japanese police in 1920. He said  “as a former prime minister, as a Japanese citizen and as a human being, I am here today to offer my sincere apologies, from the bottom of my heart, to those who were tortured and were killed here.”

 

 

#Blacklisted Creatives: Bong Joon-ho, Hwang Dong-hyuk, and Han Kang

 

posters of “Parasite” and “Squid Game”

 

What do Parasite director Bong Joon-ho, who swept the Cannes Palme d'Or and four Academy Awards (Best Picture, Best Screenplay, Best Director, and Best International Feature Film), Squid Game director Hwang Dong-hyuk, who won six Emmy Awards (Best Director, Best Actor, Visual Effects, Stunt Performance, Production Design, and Guest Actor), and novelist Han Kang, winner of the International Nooker Prize and the 2024 Nobel Prize in Literature, have in common?

 

These internationally acclaimed figures in film, television, and literature were all blacklisted by the South Korean administrations of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye. Bong Joon-ho faced government scrutiny for his films Memories of Murder (2003), The Host (2006), and Snowpiercer (2013), while Hwang Dong-hyuk was targeted for Silenced (2011). According to a 2008 National Intelligence Service (NIS) report, The Host was criticized for "highlighting anti-Americanism and government incompetence, shifting public consciousness to the left." Similarly, a 2013 NIS report titled "CJ’s Left-Leaning Cultural Expansion and Public Opinion Manipulation" cited Silenced for its portrayal of civil servants and police as "corrupt and incompetent," fostering negative perceptions in the public. Director Park Chan-wook also found himself blacklisted for his film Joint Security Area/JSA (2000).

 

Novelist Han Kang was blacklisted by the Park Geun-hye administration for her novel Human Acts (2014), which dealt with the 1980 Gwangju Uprising. In 2016, when Han won the Man Booker International Prize, it was reported that Park Geun-hye refused to send her a congratulatory message.

 

Bong Joon-ho, a graduate of Yonsei University's Department of Sociology, and Hwang Dong-hyuk, a graduate of Seoul National University's Department of Journalism, share a spirit of resistance and critical awareness that reflects the DNA of Korea’s people. Parasite critiques capitalism by exploring the moral decay of a family caught in the widening gap between rich and poor, while Squid Game satirizes social inequality through its brutal games of money and survival, highlighting the dehumanizing effects of capitalism. Both films center on the marginalized and the economically disadvantaged.

 

Han Kang, a graduate of Yonsei University's Department of Korean Literature, has similarly used her work to give voice to victims of historical trauma. In "Human Acts," she addressed the atrocities of the Gwangju Uprising, and in "We Do Not Part" (2021), she explored the enduring trauma of the 1948 Jeju April 3 Massacre.

 

Frank Bruni of The New York Times wrote in "Why the Popularity of 'Squid Game' Terrifies Me,"That this vision appeals to so many viewers, especially young ones, suggests a chilling and bleak perspective-on capitalism, on “freedom,” on individual agency-that should stop us in our tracks.... For many if not all of them, to at least some degree, this portrait of life as a sadistic lottery and poverty as a hopeless torture chamber has resonance, which means it also has merit. That’s a bullet to the soul."
 

Bong Joon-ho did not forget his keen critical spirit even in his interviews. After winning Best Foreign Language Film at the 77th Golden Globe Awards in January 2020, he said, “Once you overcome the one-inch tall barrier of subtitles, you will be introduced to so many more amazing films,” and it became a topic of discussion. It was a bittersweet message towards American moviegoers who are too lazy to read subtitles.

 

In an interview with New York Magazine in October 2019, Bong said “The Oscars are not an international film festival. They're very local.” It was a critique of American national supremacy. Contrary to the Cannes, the Berlin and the Venice International Film Festivals, the Academy Awards is a festival for American films, and of Hollywood, by the AMPAS (Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences). But, in February 2020, Bong swept the Oscars by winning in four categories (Best Picture, Best Director, Best Screenplay and Best International Feature Film). 

 

 

*Youn Yuh-Jung Wins Best Supporting Actress <YouTube>

 

Veteran actress Youn Yuh-Jung, who won the 2021 British Academy Award (BAFTA) and Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress for “Minari,” also did not forget her critical attitude outside the film. After being called as the recipient of the BAFTA Award in April 2021, Youn shared her honest impressions through virtual telecast, saying, “Thank you so much for this award ... Every award is meaningful, but this one, especially being recognized by British people, known as very snobbish people, and they approve of me as a good actor, so I’m very, very privileged and happy. Thank you so much.” And it had gone viral. In response, the British newspaper The Independent reported, “Viewers delighted in the line, with filmmaker Edgar Wright posting on Twitter: ‘Yuh-Jung Youn just won the whole award season with that snobbish line.’” “I have tuned into the #BAFTAs for 2 minutes and got to see Youn Yuh-jung calling British people snobbish, wrote someone else. “Can’t get better than that. Calling it a night.”

 

At the Academy Awards ceremony that followed, Youn made headlines again. She was announced as the winner of the Best Supporting Actress by Hollywood star Brad Pitt. She accepted the trophy and said, “Mr. Brad Pitt, Finally. Nice to meet you. Where were you when we were filming in Tulsa?”, causing the Academy members to burst into laughter. CNN saidd Yuh-Jung Youn’s acceptance speech “stole the show,” and the British Guardian wrote “What a champion.” The New York Times reported on Youn Yuh-Jung, “In an awfully dry ceremony, Youn was a godsend,” the paper praised.  

 

 

#MissyUSA members advertised on NYT criticizing the Korean Govt 

 

Koreans abroad also have a keen sense of resistance and critical thinking. On April 15, 2014, the Sewol Ferry disaster plunged Koreans in the United States into a sea of sorrow, pain and anger. MissyUSA, a Korean-American women's community website in the United States, raised funds. In ten days, 4,000 people participated and raised more than 160,000 dollars. 

 

 

And in May and August of that year, two full-page advertisements were published in the New York Times with funds raised by MissyUSA, condemning the incompetence and corruption of the Park Geun-hye government. Advertisement "Bring the Truth to Light" "South Korean Govt Sank Sewol Ferry, but can not Sink the Truth!" It was Korean women's aspiration for democracy in their home country, and the spirit of resistance and criticism.

 

 

Sukie Park

A native Korean, Sukie Park studied journalism and film & theater in Seoul. She worked as a reporter with several Korean pop, cinema, photography and video magazines, as a writer at Korean radio (KBS-2FM 영화음악실) and television (MBC-TV 출발 비디오 여행) stations, and as a copywriter at a video company(대우 비디오). Since she moved to New York City, Sukie covered culture and travel for The Korea Daily of New York(뉴욕중앙일보) as a journalist. In 2012 she founded www.NYCultureBeat.com, a Korean language website about cultural events, food, wine, shopping, sightseeing, travel and people.  

 

 

 

33 Keys to Decoding the Korean Wave, Hallyu 

Beyond BTS, Parasite & Squid Game 

 

CONTENTS

 

#Prologue: 국풍인가, 국뽕인가 Dynamic Korea, Sparkling Koreans